Analysis: Four major challenges facing Riyadh’s negotiations with the Houthis
تاريخ النشر: 17th, September 2023 GMT
Nearly five months after the visit of a Saudi delegation to Sanaa, headed by Ambassador Mohammed Al Jaber, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia invited a delegation from the Houthi group - Iran's arm in Yemen - to visit Riyadh in order to resume the faltering negotiations since last April.
According to what leaders in the group’s authority in Sana’a announced, this visit is supposed to last for five days, starting last Thursday evening, and although it is too early to anticipate the results of the visit, there are a number of data that reveal major difficulties surrounding the progress of the negotiations in this round, which puts A set of challenges facing negotiations.
Approval of the government and parties represented by the Leadership Council
The first of these challenges is that the legitimate government and all the forces opposed to the Houthi group do not seem satisfied with the progress of these negotiations between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Houthi group from the beginning. While the government welcomed this call to resume negotiations in Riyadh, and renewed its continued openness to all initiatives aimed at bringing about a just and comprehensive peace, the government’s statement included that its welcome and openness to these initiatives is conditional on it being “in accordance with the three terms of reference, and in a way that ensures an end to the coup, the restoration of state institutions, security, stability and development in Yemen,” according to the statement issued by the government in conjunction with the Houthi delegation’s visit to Riyadh.
The Southern Transitional Council, in turn, stated in its statement issued on Saturday, coinciding with the Houthi delegation’s visit to Riyadh, that its welcome of the Saudi initiative is conditional “on achieving a comprehensive and sustainable political process that establishes an unconditional dialogue to ensure that all issues are addressed, and at the forefront of that is the acknowledgment of the issue of the people of the South and the establishment of a special negotiating framework to resolve it as a basis for starting peace efforts. In its statement, the Council stressed the necessity of adhering to the contents of the “Riyadh Agreement” sponsored by Saudi Arabia and the UAE, to which the Transitional Council was a party with the government, in addition to adhering to the contents of the Gulf Cooperation Council consultations that resulted in the formation of the Presidential Leadership Council on April 7, 2022.
In addition to the legitimate government and the Transitional Council, the National Resistance Forces, led by Brigadier General Tariq Saleh on the West Coast, are a force with military weight on the ground and have a political office that manages the affairs of the National Resistance’s involvement in the political process, in addition to its leader being a member of the Presidential Leadership Council. This political and military weight of the national resistance necessitates its inclusion in the negotiating framework of any negotiations with the Houthi group and in any regional, international and international efforts to find the desired political settlement formula to end the war and bring peace.
The humanitarian and reconstruction file
At the forefront of the files on the agenda of these negotiations is the salary file, which the Houthi group demands to be paid from oil and gas revenues, in addition to its demand to share these revenues with the legitimate government. There is also the file of closed roads, most notably the ports in the city of Taiz, and the file of opening new destinations for flights to and from Sanaa Airport, as well as the reconstruction file.
It does not seem that these are all the issues whose solution could lead to ending the war and bringing peace to the country. The southern issue is still outside the negotiating framework, and the Houthi group continues to practice the Imamate approach that conflicts with the goals of the September 26, 1962 revolution, and the group’s leader calls for the mandate for himself as an alternative approach. In governing elections and giving the people their right to choose who will rule them... and many issues that pose greater challenges than the challenges surrounding the implementation of the provision of disbursing salaries, opening closed roads, and expanding the airspace destinations of Sanaa Airport and the sea space of Hodeidah Port.
However, even the files on the current agenda of these negotiations are considered thorny, despite the prevailing optimism in the statements of the Houthi leaders and regional and international diplomats.
The Lebanese Al-Akhbar newspaper, which is close to Hezbollah and Iran, reported that there is anticipation in Sanaa for the announcement of an agreement “to stop the war and end the siege within days” as an expected result of the Houthi delegation’s visit to Riyadh. On Friday, the newspaper quoted what it called “diplomatic sources” that the invitation to the Houthi delegation was preceded by Saudi arrangements “for a signing ceremony to officially end the state of war in Yemen,” and that this signing ceremony will take place in Riyadh in the presence of representatives of the Presidential Leadership Council, the Houthi delegation, and the mediation delegation. Omani, and representatives of the European Union, the United States, Britain, France, the Gulf Cooperation Council, and the Secretary-General of the Arab League.
It added that the announcement will include "a ceasefire agreement, and the signing of the understandings that had been reached regarding the disbursement of salaries, the opening of roads, and the expansion of commercial flight destinations from Sanaa Airport to five other airports, in addition to resolving the stalled issue of prisoners and detainees according to the all-in-one rule." However, diplomatic sources, which the newspaper said were familiar with the discussions, spoke of “a Saudi-American-UN approach to transfer a number of disagreements over implementation mechanisms to future rounds,” and that implementation arrangements will be undertaken by the office of the UN envoy to Yemen, Hans Grundberg.
Iran's role in advancing the negotiations
The Houthi delegation headed to Riyadh last Thursday evening, accompanied by the Omani mediation delegation, which was on its second visit to Sanaa in less than a month.
According to the Associated Press, it is still unclear what conditions are being discussed between Riyadh and the Houthis, but this visit comes within the subsequent steps of the Saudi-Iranian agreement that was sponsored by China last March, and in the wake of a wave of diplomatic activity between the various parties. In the ongoing war in Yemen.
The agency linked Saudi Arabia's invitation to the Houthis to Riyadh with the recent visit of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman to Oman last Monday. She said that last Thursday, King Salman and Crown Prince Mohammed received letters from Iranian President Ibrahim Raisi, and that both countries did not announce the content of those letters, but they came during an Omani delegation’s visit to Houthi officials in Sanaa. On the same day, the head of the so-called Supreme Political Council of the Houthis announced that a delegation from the group would head to Riyadh “in response to Omani mediation” in order to “complete consultations with the Saudi side.”
Al-Mashat showed flexibility in his statement, in contrast to the threats he has been making over the past months to resume the war and target Saudi and Emirati facilities with ballistic missiles and drones. Al-Mashat said in the context of his announcement of accepting the Saudi invitation: “Peace was and will remain our first choice, which everyone must work on.” Despite the Iranian push, which seems clear according to this news, the coming days and events will be enough to reveal the extent of the Iranian push towards a peaceful solution or towards escalation.
Houthi stubbornness in negotiations
The Houthis' intransigence in negotiations with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is not limited to setting impossible conditions on the negotiating agenda, but also to refusing to negotiate with the legitimate government and the Yemeni parties opposed to it. In conjunction with the Houthi delegation heading to Riyadh, the leader of the group, Muhammad Ali Al-Houthi, said that their negotiations are continuing with Saudi Arabia “as the leader of the coalition” and with Omani mediation, and that his group will only dialogue with the coalition, given that the decision to stop the war is in its hands, and that any Yemeni-Yemeni dialogue is “an internal matter.”
The statements of the Houthi leaders indicate that they do not wish to negotiate with the legitimate government and the parties opposing them, while they continue to threaten to resume the war against the local parties, Saudi Arabia and the UAE, if the negotiations fail.
The majority of the Houthis’ demands are related to money: salaries, reconstruction, reparations, opening new destinations for Sana’a airport, lifting all restrictions on the port of Hodeidah... etc., as long as they deal with the Arab coalition as a bank treasury that pumps money, and they deal with the Yemeni parties opposing them as Subjects who are supposed to offer loyalty to the divine ruler, any negotiations will not bring Yemen to a political settlement, and the fuse of the revolution will remain burning against this group that jumped to the forefront of ruling the country at its worst historical moment.
المصدر: نيوزيمن
كلمات دلالية: the Houthi group with the Houthi the government of the Houthi Saudi Arabia the Houthis the war and
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Ahmed Abdelwahab writes: Arabic Between Globalization and Identity: Challenges and Solutions
One day، I was invited to lunch at a well-known Arabic restaurant. At the table next to mine، a scene caught my attention: an Arab family was speaking in English، interspersed with a few clear Arabic words. One of the children asked his mother in English، “Mom، can I please have some sweets?” The mother smiled and replied in English as well: “Wait، habibi، after lunch.” Although I work in an international educational institution، this scene stirred many questions in my mind: Why is English preferred within an Arab family، in an Arab restaurant، and without any obvious necessity? And to what extent does this language pattern affect children’s sense of belonging and cultural identity?
Language: Between Challenge and Belonging
Field observations indicate that the majority of Arab children in international schools across Egypt and the Gulf prefer speaking English in their daily interactions. With the dominance of foreign digital content، English has become woven into the fabric of their daily lives—sometimes at the expense of their mother tongue. But the issue runs deeper than just usage; language is not merely a tool for communication. It is a vessel for thought، a bridge to culture and identity، and a key to understanding oneself and others.
Language Acquisition... Not Just Learning
What our children need is not to study Arabic as a rigid academic subject، but to acquire it the way a child acquires their first language—through natural exposure، participation، and interaction. Acquisition doesn't begin at the blackboard; it begins in life itself.
Many of our Arab children in international schools—despite their heritage—are treated as learners of Arabic، rather than as natural language acquirers، as if Arabic were foreign to their identity. For Arabic to become alive in their hearts، it must be woven into the details of their daily lives: they must breathe it، not merely memorize it; taste it in plays، use it in games، and express their thoughts and emotions through it. Only then does Arabic stop being a “school subject”… and become a way of life.
The Family: The Primary Nurturer of Language
Some parents mistakenly believe that speaking to their children in a foreign language is a sign of cultural sophistication and a means to secure their academic future. This belief is often accompanied by a growing disinterest among children in Arabic content، which frequently lacks the excitement and imagination found in othe r languages.
Yet، the family remains the child’s first language institution—the most authentic guardian of identity. When the home conversation is replaced by a foreign language، it's as if we’re whispering to the child: “Your mother tongue isn’t a priority.” This silent message widens the gap، weakening the bond with the native language over time. We must reawaken parents’ awareness of the importance of Arabic and guide them with practical ways to promote it at home: shared reading، play، songs، and engaging Arabic programs. Arabic is not just a language—it is heartbeat and identity. Its acquisition begins when it becomes part of a child’s everyday life: in the warmth of home، in grandparents’ stories، and in the songs of childhood.
The Teacher: A Linguistic Role Model in the Classroom
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Society: A Supportive or Alienating Environment
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Cultural institutions — such as cultural centers، reading clubs، and public speaking platforms — are vital pillars in shaping linguistic and cultural awareness among young people. However، for these institutions to be truly effective، they must offer activities tailored to children and youth، considering their ages and interests. These should be presented in fluent and appealing Arabic that blends enjoyment with learning. High-quality Arabic film screenings، followed by interactive activities such as discussions، reenactments، or rewriting endings، can play a key role in this effort. It's also essential that these institutions evolve from being mere book-reading spaces into dynamic environments that foster critical thinking، creative writing، and self-expression. Only then can these venues transform into true "platforms of life،" pulsing with language، culture، and belonging — rather than remaining as constrained cultural facilities.
Media... The Secret Key
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The decision to require private schools in Dubai and Sharjah to provide intensive Arabic language instruction in kindergarten represents a pioneering step in this direction. Starting next academic year، all children—regardless of their native language—will undergo intensive foundational Arabic learning. This marks a significant move toward empowering the Arabic language among future generations، with effects that will become evident in the years to come.
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It is becoming increasingly clear—based on developments across other Emirates—that this model is evolving into a unified national trend. We hope its impact will extend further to form the foundation of a pioneering Arabic language experience across the Arab world.
Just as instilling the Arabic language in a child’s heart marks the beginning of the journey، embedding it in the mind of the researcher represents its peak.
Therefore، any comprehensive language policy must include the domains of scientific research and higher education through practical steps، such as:
Requiring academic journals to publish Arabic summaries of research written in foreign languages.Encouraging researchers to write in Arabic.Establishing centers for scientific translation.Strengthening partnerships between universities and language academies.Including academic writing skills in Arabic within postgraduate curricula.Through such an approach، Arabic transforms into a language of knowledge production—not just a vessel of heritage—and reclaims its cultural and scientific role. In our rich legacy lies inspiration، and in our current efforts، the promise of a renewed linguistic renaissance that begins with the first letter and stretches toward the frontiers of innovation.
Bright Models: Inspiring Initiatives
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These models open new horizons for Arabic to reclaim its presence in daily life and prove that institutional cultural efforts can rekindle the language in public consciousness. However، their success depends on collective effort and the activation of both societal and official support. These initiatives may be small beginnings، but just like the first drops of rain foretell a downpour، they promise a brighter and more impactful linguistic future.
Between Identity and Openness:
The Smart Balance Learning foreign languages and embracing other cultures is a necessity—but not at the expense of our roots. Arabic is the foundation from which we venture into the world، not the other way around. Consider the examples of Germany and France: their people are fluent in English، but they never prioritize it over their native tongues. This is the smart balance we strive for: to open up to the world… without forgetting who we are.
In an age of globalization، Arabic remains the beating heart of our identity، and the bridge between our past and our future. Let it live in your homes، pulse through your schools، shine in your streets، and thrive in your digital spaces. When we honor our language، we give our children deep roots that help them soar high without losing their way.
To every parent، teacher، media professional، and content creator: Our language is not only our past—it is our future. Our language… our identity… our shared responsibility.
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