Establishing an independent telecommunications company removes the masks of the Brotherhood in the government
تاريخ النشر: 4th, September 2023 GMT
The objections launched by prominent leaders of the legitimate government against the establishment of an independent telecommunications company in the capital, Aden, revealed the reality of the masks behind which those leaders hide to serve the Houthi project and its continued control over the most important revenue sectors in Yemen.
The attacks reached the point of calling for an investigation with Prime Minister Maeen Abdulmalik and those in charge of the Ministry of Communications. Under many signs and hangers, including "forfeiting the sovereignty of the homeland and national security" and other accusations behind which there is a hidden agenda aimed at disrupting any efforts to liberate communications from the Houthi grip and restore the most important state revenues to the treasury of the Central Bank in Aden.
The increasing intensity of the objections among the legitimacy wings revealed the real and hidden "Brotherhood" masks that penetrated inside the legitimate government. Although government assurances confirm that the next company will be a partnership between Aden Net and the UAE's NX, and that it will be under the supervision of the Yemeni Ministry of Communications in the capital, Aden.
Far from government assurances, however, the Brotherhood attacks focused only on the identity of the partner company - the UAE - which strives to provide its services in order to liberate communications from the grip of the Houthis, and return billions of riyals to the revenues of the legitimate government that needs to develop its financial resources in light of the economic war it is waging. Houthi militias.
The latest objections came from Interior Minister Ibrahim Haydan, who sent a letter to the President of the Presidential Leadership Council announcing his objection to the establishment of the company. He provided a number of justifications that revealed the true face of the minister, including not giving him a copy of the agreement, and that it affects national security and national sovereignty, and it is the same slogans raised by the Brotherhood leaders, including members of Parliament, media professionals, and Brotherhood activists.
Minister Haidan's message revealed the Brotherhood's motives behind his refusal to end the Houthis' connection to communications in the liberated areas. Especially since the minister is one of the members of the government that discussed in several meetings the issue of ending the monopoly of communications in the hands of Houthi, who exploited this sector to develop his financial resources and fuel his war, in addition to espionage operations, surveillance operations, and the implementation of military targets against legitimate government and military leaders, including the government plane itself on its return to Aden International Airport. .
For his part, writer Moheeb Al-Jahafy believes that the continued association of the telecommunications company in the south with the communications organization that is under the control of the Houthi militia poses a great threat to security and stability in the future, adding: "It is well known that the Houthi militia relied on the communications system in military operations more than it relied on means For this reason, it worked to enhance its penetration into the communications network and the Internet, eavesdrop on the phone calls of the southern leaders, monitor its movement, and reveal its military secrets and field operations.
He pointed out that the Presidential Leadership Council and the Arab Coalition sensed the importance of a communications system free from the control of the Houthi militia, and this is confirmed by the continuous blessings of the leaders of the Council for the establishment of an independent communications company in the south to secure communications and find resources.
He explained that some of the Brotherhood’s masks affiliated with the government came out by issuing farcical decisions that renewed their categorical refusal to establish an independent communications company in the south, to make it clear in the end that they are mere tools in the hands of the Brotherhood and the Houthis to serve their political agenda in the lands of the south, and that their presence in those important ministerial portfolios constitutes more danger from the threats of the enemies of the south.
He pointed out that the joint coordination between the Brotherhood and the Houthi militia in the relentless and failed effort to obstruct the implementation of the communications project was evident in the frenzied campaigns in the media of both parties.
The servitude reached the point where the Houthis pushed their tools of legitimacy to come up with shaky decisions refusing to establish the company and presenting justifications for maintaining Houthi control over Yemeni communications.
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A mysterious airstrip built on a Yemeni island comes as Houthi rebels are increasingly squeezed
A new airstrip is being built on a volcanic island in the Red Sea off the coast of Yemen, satellite images show, likely the latest project by forces allied to those opposed to the country’s Iranian-backed Houthi rebels.
The airstrip on Zuqar Island provides yet another link in a network of offshore bases in a region key to international shipping, where the Houthis already have attacked over 100 ships, sank four vessels and killed at least nine mariners during the Israel-Hamas war.
It could give a military force the ability to conduct aerial surveillance over the Red Sea, the Gulf of Aden and the strategic, narrow Bab el-Mandeb Strait connecting the two waterways off East Africa and the Arabian Peninsula.
Still, it remains unclear what would trigger the airstrip to be used for a military campaign. The United Arab Emirates, which has built other runways in the region, did not respond to requests for comment. Nor did Yemen’s anti-Houthi forces, divided by warring interests and unable to launch a coordinated assault against the rebels even after intense American and Israeli bombing campaigns that targeted them.
In recent months, the anti-Houthi forces have been able to interdict more cargo bound for the Houthis, something that having a presence on Zuqar could aid.
“The possibility of a new Yemeni offensive against the Houthis, backed by the Saudi-led coalition, can’t be ruled out, although I don’t see it as approaching,” said Eleonora Ardemagni, an analyst at the Italian Institute for International Political Studies who long has studied Yemen.
“There’s a more important point in my view regarding the build up in Zuqar: the countering of Houthis’ smuggling activities, with particular regard to weapons,” she said.
A runway on a strategic island
Satellite photos from Planet Labs PBC analyzed by The Associated Press show the construction of a nearly 2,000-meter (6,560-foot) runway on Zuqar Island, which is some 90 kilometers (55 miles) southeast of the Houthi-held port city of Hodeida, a key shipping hub.
The images show work began in April to build out a dock on the island, then land clearing along the site of the runway. By late August, what appears to be asphalt was being laid across the runway. Images from October show the work continuing, with runway markings painted on in the middle of the month.
No one has claimed the construction. However, ship-tracking data analyzed by the AP show the Batsa, a Togolese-flagged bulk carrier registered to a Dubai-based maritime firm, spent nearly a week alongside the new dock at Zuqar Island after coming from Berbera in Somaliland, the site of a DP World port. DP World declined to comment.
A Dubai-based maritime company, Saif Shipping and Marine Services, acknowledged receiving an order to deliver the asphalt to the island likely used in the airstrip’s construction on behalf of other UAE-based firms. Other Emirates-based maritime firms have been associated with other airstrip construction projects in Yemen later tied back to the UAE.
The UAE is believed to be behind multiple runway projects in recent years in Yemen. In Mocha on the Red Sea, a project to extend that city’s airport now allows it to land far larger aircraft. Local officials attributed that project to the UAE, a federation of seven sheikhdoms, including Abu Dhabi and Dubai. There is also now a runway in nearby Dhubab.
Another runway is on Abd al-Kuri Island, in the Indian Ocean near the mouth of the Gulf of Aden. And in the Bab el-Mandeb Strait itself, another runway built by the UAE is on Mayun Island. An anti-Houthi secessionist force in Yemen known as the Southern Transitional Council, which has long been backed by the UAE, controls the island and has acknowledged the UAE’s role in building the airport.
Targeting of Houthi shipments
Zuqar Island is a strategic location in the Red Sea. Eritrea captured the island in 1995 after battling Yemeni forces. An international court in 1998 placed the island formally into Yemen’s custody.
The island again found itself engulfed by war after the Houthis seized Yemen’s capital, Sanaa, in 2014 and began a march south, when the rebels took Zuqar.
Saudi Arabia and the UAE entered the war in 2015 on behalf of the country’s exiled government, stopping the Houthi advance. They also beat back the Houthis from Zuqar, retaking the island, which has become a staging ground for naval forces loyal to Tariq Saleh, a nephew of Yemen’s late strongman leader Ali Abdullah Saleh.
The younger Saleh, once allied to the Houthis before his uncle switched sides and the rebels killed him, has been backed by the UAE.
Since then, the front lines of the war have been static for years.
What changed was the Houthis’ taking their campaign globally with attacks on ships in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. That continued even after a weekslong campaign of intense airstrikes known as Operation Rough Rider launched by the United States and continued strikes by Israel, which appear to be getting closer to the Houthis’ top leadership despite the rebels’ penchant for secrecy.
“The Houthis, like any insurgent group, win by not losing,” wrote Gregory D. Johnsen, a Yemen expert, in June. “It is how the group has survived and grown from each of its wars.”
While a loose confederation of anti-Houthi groups exists, it remains fragmented and did not launch any attacks during the U.S. airstrikes. But the growing network of air bases around Yemen comes as anti-Houthi forces have made several significant seizures of weapons, likely bound for the rebels — including one large haul that was praised by the U.S. military’s Central Command.
“A likely Emirati airstrip in Zuqar could serve to improve surveillance and monitoring off the Hodeida coast to better support Yemeni forces in tackling smuggling,” Ardemagni said.