The Houthi movement.. a threat to the survival of Zaydis in Yemen
تاريخ النشر: 19th, August 2023 GMT
After Zaydism represented the largest extension in the geography of the north of the north, and the first reference to political power within the framework of the rule of the imams, and the most prominent political presence since after the glorious September 26 revolution, today the influence of the Houthi movement represents one of the most important challenges to the political survival of Zaydism in Yemen.
Since the coup of Iran's arm against the Yemeni state on September 21, 2014, the growing influence of the Houthi movement has negatively affected the future of Zaydism, which found itself facing existential challenges, after the Houthi group exploited it to gain power, to become today in direct confrontation with a dogmatic ideology that it considers a threat to its political project.
At a time when the Houthi movement seeks to swallow the political presence of Zaydism, observers believe that the latter has lost many of its political privileges since the Houthi group took control of the geography of northern Yemen, while they believe that today it faces one of the most serious challenges to survival.
Survival challenge
As part of its efforts to seize power and centers of influence in northern Yemen, the Houthi group seeks to apply the Iranian experience at the expense of the political future of Zaydism, which excluded it from the political scene, to work on implementing a doctrinal ideology that views Zaydism as a threat to its existence.
In this context, the Yemeni writer and political analyst in strategic and military affairs, Dr. Ali al-Dahab, says: "The Houthis have a political project of their own, and they are a political ideology completely different from Zaidiism, or any form of political practice within the framework of the Zaidi sect."
Al-Dahab stressed, in the context of his interview with "Newsyemen", that "some of the leaders of the Houthi movement, and among their bases, consider Zaydism a threat to their Quranic path, and thus the features of the political project of the Houthi movement are revealed, and it is limited to the framework of the Badr al-Din al-Houthi family, and in particular, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi." Who, if the period of his domination of power is prolonged, will not even transfer his influence to his brothers, but will monopolize it within his personal extension, and will reduce it to his children. as he put it.
He pointed out that "this political ideology draws its instructions from the Iranian revolution, with a certain specificity for its application in Yemen, and the projection of the Iranian experience on the Yemeni scene, and there is an exaggerated and overt simulation."
And he added, "For example, Abdulmalik al-Houthi represents Ali Khamenei, while Mahdi al-Mashat represents Ibrahim Raisi, and they have the government army that has been involved under their command since their coup against the state in 2014 AD, and they have the popular committees, in addition to nodal armed formations, or those with central loyalties within The movement, which represents the main perpetrator of violence, embodies a living reflection of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard."
He pointed out that "in this way, the various centers of power are being rebuilt to support the Houthi movement with its ideologies independent of the political Hashemite, which people used to call Zaydism."
He said, "These transformations imposed by the Houthi movement mean that there will be no active participation of the Hashemite families in governance, and there will be no transfer of power from one person to another within the framework of the conditions set by the Zaidis for the ruler."
He added, "This Houthi ideology seeks to liberate the movement from the restrictions and obligations imposed on them by Zaydism, so that they become an authority, a political ideology, and an ideology independent of any influences of Zaydism, which they seek to completely remove from the political scene."
He continued, "Currently, there are attempts to portray Abdul-Malik al-Houthi as a religious reference, and at the same time it will be a political reference that has the greatest power over the political authority, meaning that it will nominate the president, the minister, the military and security leaders, and even the leaders of the local authority in the province."
In his opinion, "the movement is a new political formation according to a process that clones the Iranian revolution, but with a certain specificity, taking into account the Yemeni nature, and the imposed geographical and sectarian differences within the country."
He believes that "this project will face great challenges, given that Yemen is no longer what it was before 1911 AD, when the Imamis seized power through the negotiation method that followed the war with the Ottomans, or that came as a result of the First World War."
But now things are different, the internationally recognized government is still in control of the political scene, with some regional influences and variables, while the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is trying to besiege the Houthi movement with negotiations to pounce on them, or curtail them after the failure of the military option, and many conflicts have entered. Regional and local that obstructed the military option.
He concluded by saying: "When we refer to what some of the movement's leaders are doing in terms of mobilization and incitement to convert Abdul-Malik Al-Houthi into a religious reference, this is because Abdul-Malik is the one who will set the political frameworks, and he is the one who will determine the religious and intellectual courses of his group in power, if the political option succeeds and there is a political partnership."
existential risk
At a time when the ambition of Iran's arm to seize power and exclude its political partners is growing, observers believe that the group's attempts to stoke conflicts between the social and political components in its areas of control will negatively affect the group's future.
In this context, journalist Yaqoub Al-Sami'i believes that "what the Houthis are doing is booby-trapping the country's future with ethnic and sectarian grudges, which will lead to major explosions over time." As he said.
Al-Sami'i added, in the context of his speech to "Newsyemen", that "the deprivation of the vast majority of Yemenis of their political rights in favor of an ethnic minority is a risk to the future of this minority at the same time, and the growing resentment against the group can be observed in the public space."
He concluded by saying, "This resentment will not remain forever trapped in rhetoric and slogans, especially in light of the grave grievances that the Houthis inflict on people on a daily basis on a racial basis."
المصدر: نيوزيمن
إقرأ أيضاً:
ترامب وبايدن.. تفاصيل اجتماع دام ساعة و54 دقيقة بالبيت الأبيض
انتهى اجتماع الرئيس الأميركي جو بايدن، الأربعاء، مع الرئيس المنتخب دونالد ترامب في المكتب البيضاوي بالبيت الأبيض، الأربعاء، بعد أن استمر ساعة و54 دقيقة.
التغيير ــ وكالات
وأكد ترامب خلال الاجتماع أن العملية الانتقالية ستكون “أسلس ما يمكن”. وقال بعد مصافحة بايدن في المكتب البيضاوي إن “السياسة صعبة وليست عالما جميلا. لكن العالم جميل اليوم، وأنا أقدّر ذلك خير تقدير”.
وكانت المتحدثة باسم البيت الأبيض كارين جان بيير قالت للصحفيين أمس الثلاثاء عن قرار بايدن دعوة ترامب “إنه يؤمن بالأعراف، يؤمن بمؤسستنا، يؤمن بالانتقال السلمي للسلطة… هذا هو العرف. هذا الذي من المفترض أن يحدث”.
وتبادل بايدن وترامب الانتقادات الشديدة لسنوات، ويتخذ فريقاهما مواقف مختلفة تماما بشأن السياسات من تغير المناخ إلى روسيا إلى التجارة. وصور بايدن (81 عاما) ترامب على أنه تهديد للديمقراطية، بينما صور ترامب (78 عاما) بايدن على أنه غير كفء.
وقال البيت الأبيض إن فريق ترامب، الذي أعلن بالفعل عن بعض أعضاء إدارته، لم يوقع بعد على اتفاقيات من شأنها أن تؤدي إلى توفير مساحات مكتبية ومعدات حكومية بالإضافة إلى الوصول إلى مسؤولين حكوميين ومنشآت ومعلومات.
وقال برايان فانس، المتحدث باسم فريق ترامب لتسلم السلطة، في إشارة إلى القانون الذي يحكم عملية الانتقال “يواصل محامو عملية انتقال (السلطة) إلى ترامب وفانس التواصل بشكل بناء مع محامي إدارة بايدن و(نائبة الرئيس كامالا) هاريس فيما يتعلق بجميع الاتفاقيات المنصوص عليها في قانون انتقال الرئاسة”.
وذكرت فاليري سميث بويد مديرة مركز الشراكة من أجل الخدمة العامة لانتقال الرئاسة، وهي منظمة غير ربحية تقدم المشورة لأي إدارة مقبلة، أن الاتفاق يؤكد على أن للولايات المتحدة رئيسا واحدا فقط في كل مرة، ويتضمن تعهدات بتوقيع مواثيق أخلاقية بعدم التربح من المعلومات المقدمة في عملية الانتقال.
وأضافت “لا بد من التوقيع على ذلك لبدء التواصل مع الأجهزة الاتحادية… كل شيء متوقف على ذلك”.
الوسومأمريكا البيت الأبيض بايدن ترامب